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Context on Sandy Hook

Like many people, after I heard the news about the school shootings in Connecticut, I spent time watching the news come in, I spent time reading about it, and I was very emotionally effected by the whole thing.  I admit I cried.  Each time I thought about it, I couldn’t help thinking about the families, and imagining the incredible pain if something like that were ever to happen to my own family.  It was an incredibly sad day.

At the same time though, I hear the repeated “we must do something!” calls, and while I emotionally empathize with them, I also get very frustrated.  Because as tragic as this all is, there are a few things to remember, and if you are going to look rationally at these kinds of things, especially if you are going to start talking about laws and political solutions, then you need to step back a bit.

So lets start:

28 people killed at one time is NOT worse than 28 people killed separately.  It is more visible.  It is more shocking.  I have heard it said that when multiple people are killed together it has the same emotional impact as if that number of people SQUARED had been killed separately.  So 28 people killed together has the emotional impact of 784 people killed separately.  Perhaps so, but in the end, 28 people are still dead either way.

Yes, it was horrible that 28 people were killed yesterday, and it was horrible that most of them were children.  But every year there are over FIFTEEN THOUSAND people killed violently in the United States.  And over SEVEN HUNDRED of them are children under 14. (Source: DOJ)

As dramatic and disturbing as the deaths of those 28 people are, it is a drop in the bucket compared to the overall rate at which people are getting murdered in the United States.  (And according to the DOJ only about 1 in 2000 homicide incidents involve 5 or more victims and 95% of all homicides have only a single victim.)

If you are going to set policy to try to reduce violent death, if you try to craft a policy that is specifically structured to address statistically rare mass killings, then even if you succeed in reducing the frequency of THESE events, you will not actually be optimizing for reducing TOTAL violence and therefore you would NOT be doing the best you could for the public.

So what does the violent death rate look like?  Using numbers from violentdeathproject.com:

Screen Shot 2012-12-15 at 17.24.13

Dramatic improvements were made throughout the 1990′s.  Since then, with the exception of the peak from 9/11 in 2001, the violent death rate has been essentially flat.  (The most recent data here is 2008, as these things have a bit of lag.  There is evidence for a further DROP since then, although that second source includes fewer deaths in their numbers than VDP since VDP includes manslaughter as well as homicide.)

So while there is still TONS of room for improvement…  The US rate of 6.1 per 100k is horrible compared to most of the rest of the developed world…  1.9 per 100k for Germany, France and Canada; 1.3 per 100k for the UK; 0.8 per 100k for Japan…  things HAVE generally been moving in thew right direction in the last couple of decades.  You are less likely to be killed violently now in the US than any time in almost 50 years.  You have to go back to the mid-1960′s to be better off than today.

That does NOT mean that we should not try to do better… that we should not be looking at ways we might be able to reduce the US violent death rates to the levels in the UK or Japan…  or better. We absolutely should.  We should not by any means accept the idea that the US is just more violent and that is OK.

But it does mean when you hear breathless comments about how out of control things are, and how desperate the need is for “immediate action”, you should take a deep breath and look at things in the larger context.

Now, the next thing to look at is type of weapon used.  The conversation has immediately turned to gun control, but should it?

Lets look at two relevant charts, this time the source of the data is the Bureau of Justice Statistics at the DOJ.  Unlike the VDP data, these only include homicides (not manslaughter), and exclude 9/11.

Screen Shot 2012-12-15 at 19.00.35

 

Screen Shot 2012-12-15 at 19.01.31

These two charts show the same data, but one with absolute numbers, and the other as a percentage of total homicides.

It stands out immediately that about 2/3 of US Homicide deaths are indeed committed with guns.  That is an extraordinarily high number.  The only real change here seems to be an reduction in the number of murders committed with knives over the time frame shown, both in absolute and percentage terms.  (Anybody know why that happened?  Why are knives less popular than they were?)

This seems to indicate that if you want to reduce the overall homicide rate, targeting gun violence is actually a pretty good place to start.

There is of course the argument that if guns were not available, or at not as easily available, that many of those murders would still happen, people would just use different weapons.  And of course even with restrictions, anybody who really wanted a gun could still get one.

Both of these points are true.  But because the percentage of violent deaths by gun is so high, even if a small percentage of the homicides did not happen because the perpetrator couldn’t get easy access to their weapon of choice, it would make a significant difference to the overall rate.

Of course, that doesn’t say what actual policies might or might not help.  It is quite easy to construct policies that are very restrictive, but have no actual effect on public safety, or which may actually reduce safety when you take everything into account.  (See, for instance, TSA policy at airports and how people driving more after 9/11 caused an increase in highway deaths.)

So even if you do engage in gun regulation, you need to be careful about what you do in order to ensure that you actually are effective at changing anything regarding the violent death rate.  And perhaps more importantly, that you don’t also introduce significant and unacceptable restrictions in personal freedom that have other negative side effects.

But a perhaps even more salient point, the most effective way to reduce the overall rate of violence may have NOTHING to do with restricting weapons of any sort. Rather, I have seen some arguments that massively increasing availability and access to mental health support would have an even bigger effect. Easily available inpatient care to those who need it of course, but even more than that, just options and support for those who are in stressful situations that could escalate, or to those with conditions that make them more likely to react violently to provocations.

So even though additional gun control MAY be an effective part of a plan to help improve the violent death rate, any discussion about this sort of issue should not be exclusively about gun control, or about reacting to “mass killings”.  Anything that is done needs to take a broader perspective, looking at the overall violent death rate and long term trends.  Any knee jerk reaction that is highly focused on a specific incident, or even types of incidents, is very likely to be ineffective or even counter productive at solving the larger problem.

[Edit 2012 Dec 12 20:36 to correct a place where I accidentally said "drug" instead of "gun".  That's a whole different can of worms, although of course drug policy also has an effect on the death rate.]

Reality Check on @sullydish’s “When Will Texas Become A Swing State?”

Earlier this week, Andrew Sullivan had a series of posts exploring trends in Texas that may eventually make it a swing state.  (Part 1, Part 2, Part 3)  This prompted me to wonder what the actual numbers were and what the trend might look like.

Demographic trends may well cause changes in the electoral balance in Texas at some point in the future, but looking at actual historical election results shows no such trend so far.

Similar to the chart I did of national trends on Sunday, the chart above shows the Democratic proportion of the two party vote (ignoring third parties) over the last 100 years, this time just for Texas.  Over this timescale, clearly the trend is from a very reliable Democratic state prior to 1950 to a solid Republican state since 1970.

Looking just since 1970, one could argue that the trend is fairly flat, but if you look at how winning Democratic presidents have done, you see that Clinton did not match Carter’s numbers (Carter actually won Texas in 1976) and then Obama has not matched Clinton’s numbers.  Each winning Democratic president has done worse in Texas than the one before.

Now, one could say that Obama did better in Texas than Kerry or Gore, and that would be quite true.  But it seems like that is more just a factor of being a winning candidate, and thus having higher levels of support overall.

And in the most recent timeframe you can look at, Obama 2012 didn’t do as well as Obama 2008.

There may be underlying demographic trends that will eventually favor Democrats in Texas, but they haven’t actually started to bend the curve there quite yet.

But wait!  There is another way of looking at this!

I hinted at it when I mentioned that the winning Democratic candidates (Obama, Clinton, Carter) got a boost compared to the losing Democratic candidates (Kerry, Gore, Dukakis, Mondale) just by virtue of being winners.

You can correct for this by looking at how Texas voted relative to the national vote rather than just looking at Texas in isolation.  If you take the Democratic percentage of the two party vote in Texas, and subtract from that the Democratic percentage of the two party vote nationwide, you get a measure of how much more (or less) Democratic Texas is than the country at large.  With this, you get the following chart:

I’ve left out the red and blue coloring this time because it clutters up the image, but this chart is a lot less noisy.  You still see a very clear trend with Texas becoming less Democratic and more Republican over the last 100 years (compared to the rest of the country).

In this view however you CAN see an inflection point at the 2000 election.  Up until 2000 Texas was clearly getting more Republican (compared to the rest of the country) with almost every election.  Then that trend seems to stop.

In 2000 Texas was 11.2% more Republican than the nation.*  Each election since then the difference between Texas and the national average has been slightly less.  In 2004 Texas was 10.3% more Republican.  In 2008 it was 9.6%.  And in 2012 the preliminary numbers have it at 9.4%.

At that rate Texas still has a LONG time to go until it is really close to the national numbers.  But with this view, you actually do see a trend with Texas’s Republican lean (relative to the rest of the country) decreasing slightly over the past few elections.

* I’m being slightly sloppy with language here, to be more correct I would say that the Democratic proportion of the 2 party vote was 11.2% less in Texas than the Democratic proportion of the 2 party vote nationwide.

Note: Data from uselectionatlas.org.

 

100 Years of Context

With all the talk of demographic trends favoring the democrats I thought I would just pull some really long term past data and see what the trends look like.

The chart above is the Democratic percentage of the Republican/Democratic popular vote.  That is, it leaves out third parties, even though they were significant in some of these years.  And even though I generally prefer looking at the electoral college in Presidential elections, for this purpose popular vote seemed better.

The one thing that immediately stands out to me is actually not a trend toward Democrats, but a “dampening” effect.  The numbers were so much more volatile prior to 1976.

I’ll skip the big 1912 to 1924 swing because 1912 was an oddball election…  the Republicans actually came in third behind the Democrats and Progressives.

But looking further on for examples, we went from Calvin Coolidge (R) blowing out John Davis (D) in 1924 by a 65.2% to 34.8% margin, to Franklin Roosevelt (D) crushing Alfred Landon (R) by a 62.5% to 37.5% margin only 12 years later.  That is a LOT of people flipping from Republican to Democrat.  Now, admittedly, there was a little thing called the Great Depression that probably caused that swing.  But still, it is a HUGE number of people moving from one party to the other compared to what seems possible today.

A slightly more recent big swing…  In 1964 Johnson (D) beat Goldwater (R) 61.3% to 38.7%.  Only 8 years later in 1972, Nixon (R) beat McGovern (D) 61.8% to 38.2%.  Again, there was a major event, the Vietnam War, that could explain this, but this still represents a HUGE number of people switching parties.  Not just demographic trends, but people actively switching their support.

In addition to big swings, margins in general tended to be bigger.

From 1912 to 1984, 13 of 19 elections…  over 2/3 of the elections…  were won by margins greater than 10%.  The last time that happened was Reagan’s 1984 win over Mondale.  We have now gone 7 elections in a row where the elections were one by less than a 10% margin.

Of those 7 elections since Reagan, the margin was less than 3% three times.  From Woodrow Wilson in 1912 to Ronald Reagan in 1984, there were also only three elections…  out of 19 elections…  with a margin under 3%.  (That would be 1960, 1968 and 1976.)  Elections this close used to be really rare.  They aren’t the “norm” now, 1988, 1992, 1996, and 2008 were all won by more than 7%, but under 3% is certainly no longer rare.

Now what about that trend toward the Democrats?  Now, looking at the full 100 years, the oscillation between the parties and the reduction in volatility is the biggest thing you notice, but you could argue that the politics and issues and how the parties were aligned was dramatically different prior to the 1970s.  So, if you look selectively just at 1972 onward, you do see a trend toward the Democrats.

In the 70′s and 80′s you had big Republican wins and the only Democratic win was a squeaker.

In the 90′s and 00′s you had smaller Democratic wins, with the only Republican wins being a popular vote loss in 2000 which was won in the electoral college, and a narrow win in 2004.

If you change your starting point though, and look just since the 1990′s, the trend is (slightly) back toward the Republicans.  Obama’s two wins were by smaller margins than Clinton’s wins.

The demographic trends DO seem to be against the Republicans at the moment given how party preferences have been breaking down by ethnic group.  But…

The important thing to remember however is that parties change over time.  The Republicans of 2012 are nothing like the Republicans of 1988.  And the Republicans of 1988 didn’t look much like the Republicans of 1964.

How much any demographic trends affect future presidential races will depend a lot on the internal dynamics of both parties, and who they nominate, and if the parties start shifting around as they do periodically.  If the Republicans figure out how to embrace rather than alienate the non-white groups that are growing rapidly, then they will be able to blunt or reverse any demographic trends.

Or we could have a major event like the Great Depression or the Vietnam war that returns us to the days of huge landslides for whichever party is NOT blamed for the bad event, with huge swings between the parties in short periods of times.

We’ve been in a period of relatively close elections, with relatively little volatility between elections.  That seems to be unusual looking back at the last 100 years.  It could be the new “normal” that lasts another 50 years.  But it just as easily could be an anomaly, and we’ll return to “normal” soon.

As usual, past performance is not indicative of future results, but it is fun to look back at the longer term history for some context.

Electoral College: Nov 10 18:00 UTC – Florida finally called – For Obama – 56 of 56!

Just before 18:00 UTC today, Florida was finally “called” for Obama.  Absent any faithless electors, this makes the final electoral college results Obama 332, Romney 206.

As those of you following my electoral college tracking this year know, not only was that the final state of my “Current” line on election day, but it is also by far the most common location of the race in the daily updates covering the whole year.  As I’d said quite a few times, 332-206 just seemed to be where this race “wanted” to be.  Sometimes events would move the polls slightly further in Obama’s direction, sometimes slightly further in Romney’s direction, but 332-206 seemed to attract the race like a magnet, and things would revert back to this state.  When things “reverted to the mean” this is where they went.

Also of course, looking at the daily updates going back to January, Romney was NEVER ahead in this electoral college analysis…  or any other electoral college analysis.  Aside from a few days in October where Romney was threatening to take the lead (but never did) the question was never if Obama would win, but rather by how much.  But yet reports are that the Romney campaign, and Romney himself, were shocked by the fact that they lost.  They really truly did not believe the overwhelming consensus from the pollsters.

I guess to some degree to run a national campaign like this you HAVE to make yourself think you are winning, but still…

One final point.  There are quite a few more complicated models out there doing electoral college analysis.  They provide potentially more detail and more kinds of insight than mine, but part of my point in doing this exercise is that even a very simple “last five poll” average can get you very good results.  The marginal value from added complexity doesn’t really seem to get you that much more.  This isn’t to say that there isn’t value in that complexity.  There is.  And if I had more time, I’d certainly be tempted to make a more complex method of analysis myself.

But the simple average still got 56 out of 56 right.  (That would be the 50 states plus DC, plus the congressional districts in Maine and Nebraska.)

That ain’t bad.

Note added Nov 11 00:25 UTC:  I have some final clean up to do on it yet, but the archival wiki page with all the information from this general election season is here.  The earlier wiki archiving the primary season is here.

Edit Nov 11 00:34 to change some awkward wording.

Electoral College: 06:15 – Alaska for Romney, Only Florida Left

Romney Obama
Romney Best Case 235 303
Current Status 206 332
Obama Best Case 206 332

I needed to pause to take my wife to the airport, so I couldn’t make this update earlier, but shortly after 06:00 UTC, Alaska was called for Romney.

This means so far the five poll average has called 54/54 contests.  Only Florida is left.  Even if it ends up missing on Florida, that is pretty good… It is better than it did four years ago.

If I do this again in four years, I may end up doing some things differently based on things I’ve learned this time around, but for the most part I’d say this exercise has been a success.  And lots of fun, if somewhat exhausting in the last month.

I have no idea if Florida will end up being called in the next few hours, or if it will end up going almost 15 days like Missouri did in 2008.

Given that, I think it is time to call it a night.  I’ll do another update sometime after Florida is called, although it may not be immediate given I’ll now start spending time on non-election things as well.  :-)

Thanks again for following my coverage this year.  It has been a blast!

Electoral College: 06:00 – Nebraska’s remaining congressional districts to Romney

Romney Obama
Romney Best Case 235 303
Current Status 206 332
Obama Best Case 206 332

The two remaining Nebraska congressional districts were called for Romney shortly before 06:00 UTC.

As of then, that left Alaska and Florida outstanding, but only Florida was ever really in question.

And this wraps up the live coverage of Election 2012 from Abulsme.com.  I have to take my wife to the airport now.

Alaska was actually called for Romney already, and I’ll include that in a 6:15 update when I get back.

And then we wait for Florida to tell us if we do indeed end up at the magical 332-206, or if we end up at 303 to 235 instead.

I’ll make a final update once the results in Florida are known.

And then a really final update once the electoral college votes in December, just in case there are any faithless electors.

But for now, thanks for joining Abulsme.com for the election coverage all year long.

Sam out.

Electoral College: 05:45 – Virginia also for Obama

Romney Obama
Romney Best Case 235 303
Current Status 206 332
Obama Best Case 205 333

The five poll average’s streak continues.

Electoral College: 05:30 – Colorado and Maine 2nd for Obama too

Romney Obama
Romney Best Case 248 290
Current Status 206 332
Obama Best Case 205 333

Colorado and Maine’s 2nd also go to Obama.  Still haven’t missed one.

Electoral College: 05:00 – Nevada to Obama too

Romney Obama
Romney Best Case 258 280
Current Status 206 332
Obama Best Case 205 333

At 04:49 UTC CNN called Nevada for Obama.  The five poll average still hasn’t missed, but there are still a few states left.

Electoral College: 04:30 – Expected States push Obama over 270

Romney Obama
Romney Best Case 264 274
Current Status 206 332
Obama Best Case 205 333

Between 04:15 and 04:30 UTC, three more states were called.  Missouri for Romney, and Oregon and Ohio for Obama.  All three of these were fully expected, but Ohio put Obama over 270.

CNN waited until they called Ohio at 04:18 UTC to call the election, even though based on the polls by the time we got to election day, Ohio wasn’t even close.  Once Iowa was called 9 minutes earlier, Romney had no more ways to win.

At this point, the only question is the margin of Obama’s victory.

As of this update, the five poll average hasn’t missed a state yet.  Four states and two congressional districts to go.

(Of the close ones…  there is also Alaska and Nebraska’s 3rd, but those will certainly go to Romney.)

Edit 2012 Nov 7 05:13 to add that last parenthetical note.